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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color:#1F497D">> </span>It may be that focusing on process and general objectives might
<span style="color:#1F497D"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D">>
</span>be a more fruitful path forward than a fully architected solution <span style="color:#1F497D">
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D">></span>which may have more divergence of views as Nick points out.<br>
<br>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D">A general consensus (outside the US) that the unilateral US role is something that needs to be changed has existed since the adoption of the Tunis Agenda in
2005 (see paragraphs 63, 68 and 69). What is missing is a specific blueprint for replacing that system. The status quo derives a lot of support from the entirely legitimate concern that altering the existing US oversight arrangements might make things worse.
Many fear that the current system is the lesser of multiple evils. Until and unless someone proposes a clear and viable plan that can actually be implemented, we continue to be stuck. That’s why we proposed what you call a “fully architected solution.”
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<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
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